France, Spain's anti-Israel bias pushes Israel-Europe relations to new low

“Israel would like to see this threat removed and the EU refuses to do so for its own political reasons,” said Sion-Tzidkiyahu, who described the state of the relations as deadlocked.

Last month, the Knesset passed a law expanding the death penalty for terrorism murders, with its toughest provisions aimed at Palestinians tried in military courts. Sharp criticism from the EU immediately followed, further souring the relations.

According to EU data, it has spent billions of US dollars in humanitarian aid to the Palestinians throughout the years.

During the latest Israel-Hamas war, the EU airlifted hundreds of tons of supplies into Gaza, adding millions of Euros of support labeled as “emergency” support for the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank. The European Union Mission for the Support of Palestinian Police and Rule of Law (EUPOLL COPPS) has been training Palestinian police officers and other law enforcement officers in the PA since 2006.

“The EU is interested in playing a role on the ground in Gaza,” Sion-Tzidkiyahu said. “They want to become a player rather than just a payer.”

Olga Deutsch, vice president of Jerusalem-based NGO Monitor—a research institute tracking human-rights organizations—and a senior researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, observed that relations with Europe “haven’t been good for years.”

She highlighted parallel developments, noting “a divergence between the EU and large countries that are traditionally considered opinion leaders in Europe that are very critical towards Israel and central and eastern European countries with whom Israel has fostered stronger relations.”

She added that wars and escalations take this to an extreme in which “the EU, England and France are consistently critical towards Israel, with an unprecedented sour relationship between Israel and Spain, while on the other hand, Central and Eastern European countries either voice support or remain silent.”

France has also taken a series of measures viewed in Jerusalem as increasingly hostile, including prohibiting Israeli aircraft from using French airspace to assist with fighting Iran and maintaining restrictions on Israeli participation in major defense exhibitions, moves that have already prompted Israel to suspend defense procurement ties with Paris.

Combined, these steps and statements highlight a shift from rhetoric to tangible policy actions by leading European states, deepening the rift with Israel.

“Israel is a wedge that splits the EU, increasing the divisions and frictions within the union—highlighting the lack of unanimity in it,” asserted Sion-Tzidkiyahu. “For the EU to be a player in the international arena through its foreign policy, it needs to reach unanimity.”

According to Sion-Tzidkiyahu, Netanyahu has for years operated in a “divide and thwart” policy, thwarting every EU majority against the Jewish state and weakening its policy towards Israel.

Hungary, long led by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, has been a cornerstone of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Europe policy. In contrast to growing tensions with much of Europe, Israel’s relationship with Hungary remained notably strong under Orbán, who repeatedly blocked or softened EU measures against Israel.

Budapest had consistently used its veto power within the EU to shield Israel from unified diplomatic pressure, exposing the depth of the bloc’s internal divide. But Orbán’s defeat in Sunday’s election has now introduced real uncertainty into that equation, as European and Israeli policymakers assess whether the incoming government of Péter Magyar will recalibrate Hungary’s stance toward both Brussels and Israel.

“Europe will continue to be critical of Israel, but also will continue to not take major action against Israel,” said Deutsch. “Israel cannot ignore Europe, though, as it is Israel’s largest trade partner and the two share widespread cultural and tourism relations. The main role the EU plays is financial, and it is the only tool it has to use towards Israel.”

The EU is the largest market for Israeli defense exports, accounting for 54% of all its exports according to the Defense Ministry in 2024.

“Israel is successfully implementing a realistic foreign policy based on interests vis-à-vis eastern European members of the EU, from Finland, through the Baltics and Germany, to Cyprus and Greece,” Sion-Tzidkiyahu explained, elaborating that these are countries that have security interests and understand the value of Israel’s security know-how and innovation. “They measure their criticism on what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank, unlike Western European countries, which tend to feel less directly threatened by Russia and therefore place less emphasis on the need for Israeli defense systems.”

The reality for Israel is that it faces a divided Europe, and it must carefully navigate both around and with it. “Israel has plenty of enemies and not so many friends,” Deutsch said. “Therefore, it has to be very attentive and nurture its good relationships.”

For now, the relations between Israel and several European countries are deteriorating further amid growing tensions linked to the wars in Gaza and Iran. France and Spain have emerged as key sources of friction. At the same time, internal divisions within the EU have a major impact on its response, as countries like Hungary continue to shield Israel diplomatically through vetoes and opposition to unified measures. This could change very soon.

Despite rising criticism and limited diplomatic trust, Israel still maintains strong ties with parts of Europe that value its security expertise, particularly in defense and technology. The EU’s fragmented stance and lack of unanimity continue to limit its ability to act cohesively, leaving Israel to navigate a divided and increasingly complex European landscape.