LOS MOCHIS, Mexico — The U.S. ambassador to Mexico, Ronald Johnson, traveled to northwest Sinaloa state last week for what seemed a routine ceremony: The groundbreaking for a factory near the city of Los Mochis.
But his comments are a part of a broader, and more provocative agenda, said sources familiar with the bilateral relationship. They mark the launching, the sources said,
of a wide-ranging anti-corruption campaign by the Trump administration targeting Mexican officials suspected of having links to organized crime.
Such a crackdown that could shake bilateral relations at a pivotal moment, as U.S., Mexican and Canadian negotiators are sitting down to review the North American free-trade pact — a linchpin in Mexico’s export-dependent economy.
The event on Thursday was to celebrate construction of a billion-dollar methanol factory, one of the largest single private U.S. investments in Mexico in recent history.
Addressing a gathering of company executives, investors and state officials in the Pacific Coast city of Los Mochis. Johnson began his remarks by touting the project and highlighting the importance of U.S.-Mexico relations.
“The Pacifico Mexinol project represents a $3.3 billion investment during its construction and development,” Johnson said. “It will become the largest ultra-low emissions methanol facility in the world.”
But then Johnson pivoted to corruption, a touchy subject in Mexico.
“Corruption doesn’t just slow progress, it distorts it. It raises costs, weakens competition, and erodes the trust that markets depend on. It’s not a victimless problem,” Johnson said. “And it’s a direct obstacle to growth, to fairness, to opportunities, and to the long-term success of projects like this one.”
The ambassador then delivered a not-so-subtle message: Mexico needs to do something about its epidemic of crooked governance — from street cops to local mayors and governors to federal lawmakers, all on cartel payrolls — if leaders want to secure financial stability for the country of 133 million. He made clear the U.S. was coming after allegedly corrupt Mexican politicians.
“Investment is like water,” Johnson said. “It flows when the conditions are right, and it dries up when they are not.”
The U.S.-Mexico trade pact “requires our governments to criminalize bribery and corruption and enforce codes of conduct for public officials,” the ambassador noted as he closed his remarks. “We may soon see significant action on this front. So, stay tuned.”
The pointed remarks reflected the magnitude of the anti-corruption initiative. The campaign is expected to go well beyond the traditional sanction — the canceling of visas for those suspected of being in league with cartels.
This time the crackdown could include indictments of Mexican politicians in U.S. federal courts, including members of the ruling Morena party, a political movement founded on a “no corruption” platform. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal matters.
Official responses to Johnson’s remarks were muted.
When asked about Johnson’s remarks Friday in her morning news conference President Claudia Sheinbaum laughed. “That’s exactly what we’re working on,” she said, referring to the ambassador’s anti-corruption dictates. “The United States should do the same.”
U.S. prosecutors carrying out such an initiative could turn to a large pool of potential informants.
Scores of former cartel operatives — including the sons of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, legendary founder of the Sinaloa mob — languish in U.S. custody. Many are believed to be eager to become “snitches” against former accomplices, including crooked politicians and cops.
To deliver his message, Johnson chose Sinaloa state — the base of the Sinaloa cartel, one of the world’s most notorious drug-trafficking conglomerates.
As with other criminal syndicates, the cartel has long oiled the gears of corruption with bribes. Hundreds, maybe thousands, of politicians and lawmen are on the cartel payroll, experts say.
The message that Washington will no longer accept business-as-usual was a sharp warning for Sheinbaum, a long-time academic and U.S.-educated scientist who, by all accounts, is free from the taint of corruption. But the same can’t be said for her dominant Morena bloc, here in Sinaloa and throughout the country.
Sheinbaum, known for her deft handling of Trump, must walk a fine line between placating Trump and resisting pressure from her Morena political base — especially if prominent politicians get swept up in a U.S.-driven anti-corruption whirlwind.
Already, the State Department has revoked the visas of several Morena lawmakers, including the governor of Baja California.
Among those whose U.S. visa has been revoked, the sources said, is Sinaloa Gov. Rubén Rocha Moya, a Morena stalwart who has repeatedly denied cartel links. It was cancelled last year.
The septuagenarian governor has managed to survive sundry political scandals, Mexican observers say, because of a key fact: His long-time friendship with ex-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Sheinbaum’s predecessor and mentor.
Rocha Moya is one of a number of top politicians viewed as protected by their associations with Lopez Obrador.
Among the major threats to Rocha Moya’s political survival was the outcry about the 2024 shooting death of his one-time chief political rival, Héctor Melesio Cuén Ojeda, a former lawmaker and university rector.
The crime remains unsolved. Mexican federal prosecutors concluded that the state inquiry into the shooting was a sham. Among the inconsistencies, according to prosecutors: State investigators compiled a fake video meant to conceal where, when and how the victim was slain.
The resulting uproar forced the resignation of the chief Sinaloa prosecutor. But Rocha Moya, her boss, remained in office despite calls for his resignation. He denied any link to Cuén Ojeda’s death.
On Thursday, Rocha Moya had been scheduled to give remarks alongside the U.S.. ambassador at the ground-breaking event.
But before Johnson could arrive, protesters descended on the venue denouncing the governor, who had already arrived, as “corrupt.” “I am on your side,” Rocha Moya assured the demonstrators, adding that he would stay to speak with them rather than attend the ceremony, which was moved because of the protest.
A hastily prepared hotel conference room in Los Mochis was used for the ceremony. That’s where Johnson, speaking in both Spanish and English, delivered his brief remarks.
This article was co-published with Puente News Collaborative, a bilingual nonprofit newsroom that covers stories from Mexico and the U.S.-Mexico border. Fisher is a special correspondent. Los Angeles Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell contributed to this report.
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