Enthroning the popular will is essential for staunching democratic reversal in the continent, and stemming the tide of military dictatorship.
The virus of coups d’état is being spread across Africa with the declaration of the head of Burkina Faso’s military junta that countries in the continent should forget about democracy. Ibrahim Traoré, who seized power in September 2022, is of the firm view that the continent is not ripe for this system just yet, as he marked the anniversary of his Progressive Popular Revolution (RPP).
However, Mr Traoré’s call for renascent military rule should not be taken lightly amid the resurgence of armed dictatorships across the continent. From 2020 to November 2025, for instance, democratically elected administrations in nine countries were toppled, resulting in complicated civil wars in at least two of them. Under the grip of military rule are Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea, Chad, Sudan, Guinea Bissau, Gabon and Madagascar. Mali and Sudan have descended into full blown internecine armed conflicts.
Since its birth in the Athenian Agora, in ancient times, democracy has remained the best form of representative government known to humanity. There is no better alternative to it, despite its many weaknesses. This point cannot be overemphasised.
Across Africa, military juntas have always seized power under different guises, the most popular of which is the charge of high-level corruption of political leaders, insecurity and the rising costs of living that’s making life unbearable for the majority of the people. Ironically, they usually end up running the worst forms of government, largely defined by continued instability. In Nigeria, the advent of General Sani Abacha into power witnessed the gravest act of treasury heist, estimated at $5 billion. About $3.5 billion of this is said to have been recovered so far.
Mr Traoré’s regime as a farce became evident in July 2024 when he changed his date for handover to a civilian administration, with just two months left of his initial promise. He then extended the period to five years. Now, he has developed a total aversion for democracy, leading to a ban on all political parties in the country. He had taken over power on 30 September 2022, following the ouster of President Paul-Henri Damiba.
The current resurgence of military rule started with the overthrown of President Ibrahim Keita of Mali on 18 August, 2020. The transitional government subsequently put in place was equally swept aside in a second coup in 2021. The head of that junta, General Assimi Goïta, like Mr Traoré, pledged a handover to civilians in June 2022. But this did not happen.
Mali has since then been a playground of rival military groups in the struggle for total political control of the country. Political parties have been dissolved, and so have political meetings too, thus restricting the civic space and freedom of the press.
From Mali to Burkina Faso, the contagion of coups has hit the Republic of Niger, Guinea and Guinea-Bissau – all in West Africa. The Republic of Benin survived its own assault on 7 December, 2025 due to Nigeria’s swift response to President Patrice Talon’s call for urgent assistance. France also did a yeoman’s job with the provision of intelligence that saved him.
In West Africa, the impact of democratic reversal on regional stability is evident in the fracturing of ECOWAS with the exit of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). This troika belongs to the notorious ‘coup belt’ of the region.
Equally, 16 military officers were arrested in Nigeria In November 2025 for what was later confirmed to be a coup plot against the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And, the suspects are currently being secretly tried by the military.
These episodes coincided with the 55th Ordinary Session of ECOWAS Mediation and Security Council summit last year in Abuja. The ECOWAS President, Omar Touray, took notice of this and cautioned that, “Events of the past few weeks have shown the imperative of serious introspection on the future of our democracy, and the need to invest in the security of our community.”
While military incursions into power should not be condoned at all, the actions and inertia of elected leaders, however, tend to subvert the cause of democracy in many countries, thus creating excuses for the military to strike. For instance, in Uganda, a presidential election on 15 January, in which Yoweri Museveni was re-elected, was conducted under dubious circumstances. He ensured an internet blackout during the polls, as opposition leaders also faced a brutal crackdown. One of them, Kizza Besigye, is facing a treason trial. Mr Museveni has been in power since 1986.
The main challenger at the poll, Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bob Wine, fled the country in March, after hiding for two months. The head of the army, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba – Mr Museveni’s son – declared Mr Wine wanted, whether dead or alive. Mr Museveni has turned the country’s parliament into a rubber stamp establishment. And, it is being rumoured that the son is being groomed to take over the mantle of government from the father. This means that Uganda is sitting on a powder keg.
A similar travesty of democracy is being enacted in Benin Republic, under the harsh grips of the political machinations of President Patrice Talon. Political competition, opposition or dissenting views are not tolerated in the country. For this reason, the party formed by a former president, Boni Yayi, has been barred from participating in the presidential election that began last Sunday. And the country’s five-year presidential tenure has been changed to seven years.
In Zimbabwe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, 83 years old, is about to scrap the presidential election, as he cedes the power to elect the president to the parliament. Also, the presidential tenure has been adjusted from five to seven years. This implies that his tenure will end in 2030, as against the original date of 2028. These constitutional alterations require a referendum to come into effect.
Yet, as the din from the opposition against the changes rise, his party, Zanu-PF, has ruled out any referendum to legitimise them. Thus, dark clouds are gathering over the Zimbabwean political firmament, and the hope is for this not to result in another instance of democratic reversal.
Ousted President Umaro Embalo of Guinea had turned democracy on its head when in power, with his dissolution of the parliament in 2023, due to its dominance by the opposition. He had begun ruling through decrees. Then the country’s military struck on 26 November, 2025.
In Cameroon, 92-year old President Paul Biya, who came to power in 1982, has been winning every election since that time, and the last one was in October 2025, amid a vicious crackdown on the opposition and nationwide turmoil. It would be no surprise if this hits political headwinds in the near future.
Africa has definitely had enough of these pseudo democrats, either in military or civilian garb. Democracy has its ethos forged in the tolerance of opposition, competition, multipartism, dissenting views, the practice of transparency and accountability. This is the only way forward.
In the absence of the foregoing, the people should keep resisting all forms of abuses to their rights to choose those to represent them in governance, while enabling orderly democratic transitions.
Enthroning the popular will is essential for staunching democratic reversal in the continent, and stemming the tide of military dictatorship. Anything short of this can only accentuate the instability plaguing Africa. This is a call for strengthening the guardrails of democracy in the continent, which is incumbent on a whole of society endeavour.
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